Constituição e o genocídio no Brasil.

Constituição e o genocídio no Brasil.

Publicado em junho 28, 2009 por Cristiane Rozicki

Cristiane Rozicki

Costitution and the genocide in Brazil

disponível em

http://objetodignidade.wordpress.com/2009/06/28/costituicao-e-o-genocidio-no-brasil/

LIFE cannot be depreciated in all the human atmosphere of social communication. Life is Right fundamental very well outstanding in the caput of the 5o constitutional article, paragraphs, as well as in the international Conventions on subscript human rights for Brazil. The 6o article of the International Pact of Civil Laws and Politicians dispose that the arbitrary privation of the right to the life, according to the treaty of 1966, is called genocide.

They do a merchandise of the human being for wholesale and retail. There is no prerequisite of age to come to be object of the market: – Transplants of cells tale of human embryos or fetuses; – transplants of the donor’s pieces with heart in activity; – fetuses used in the cosmetic industry, among others. They are treated of facts related with the legalization of the abortion.

But, for the human embryos or fetuses, it is unquestionable, a certainty informs which there are no oppositions: the human life begins starting from the conception. Doubts don’t exist in the sciences. Of the Biology to the Medicine, it is known that the human life begins with the fecundation of the ovulo.

This human carnage, the marketed carnage, reminds Norm Barber words, when he denounces the commercialization of the medicine and the sale of human pieces in The Nasty Side Of Organ Transplanting – The Cannibalistic Nature of Transplant Medicine.

BRAZILIAN RIGHT AND INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS THAT INTEGRATE the CONSTITUTIONAL PROTECTION INTO THE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS – and the genocide. Abuses against the human life.

DIREITO BRASILEIRO E CONVENÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS QUE INTEGRAM A PROTEÇÃO CONSTITUCIONAL AOS DIREITOS FUNDAMENTAIS DO SER HUMANO – e o genocídio.

disponível em:

http://objetodignidade.wordpress.com/2009/06/28/costituicao-e-o-genocidio-no-brasil/

VIDA não pode ser depreciada, qualquer que seja o ambiente humano de comunicação social. Vida é Direito fundamental muito bem destacado no caput do 5^o artigo constitucional, parágrafos e incisos, assim como nas Convenções internacionais sobre direitos humanos subscritas pelo Brasil. O 6^o artigo do Pacto Internacional de Direitos Civis e Políticos dispõe que a privação arbitrária do direito à vida, segundo o tratado de 1966, denomina-se genocídio.

O Pacto Internacional De Direitos Civis E Políticos, especialmente a partir do 6^o artigo, faz referências ao genocídio, que é a o crime de retirar a vida de alguém arbitrariamente [ofensa ao direito de viver].

Artigo 6.º- O direito à vida é inerente à pessoa humana. Este direito está protegido por lei. Ninguém pode ser arbitrariamente privado da vida. http://www.cidadevirtual.pt/cpr/asilo2/2pidcp.html

Segundo o referido Pacto, compreende-se que o indivíduo, por ter deveres para com seus semelhantes e para com a coletividade a que pertence, tem a obrigação de lutar pela promoção e pela observância dos direitos reconhecidos no Pacto. A inobservância deste princípio e dos deveres,  permitem que se identifique a discriminação, antes de outros crimes de maior gravidade.

O desrespeito arbitrário à vida é crime internacional denominado GENOCÍDIO, crime de humanidade previsto também no Estatuto de Roma, que pretende prevenir o acontecimento de tais abusos contra a vida humana.

O Estatuto de Roma da Corte Penal internacional cuida da prevençao do genocidio.

Em julho de 1998, em Roma, do Estatuto do Tribunal Penal Internacional (TPI), o que demonstra a decisão da comunidade internacional de cuidar para que os autores desses graves crimes não fiquem sem castigo. O Estatuto entrou em vigor após a ratificação de 60 Estados.

Crimes de competência do Tribunal

· Genocídio

O TPI tem competência para julgar o crime de genocídio, nos termos do artigo 6º do Estatuto, que reitera o disposto na Convenção de 1948 para a Prevenção e a Repressão do Crime do Genocídio.

Este crime é definido no Estatuto qualquer um dos atos que a seguir se enumeram, praticado com intenção de destruir, no todo ou em parte, um grupo nacional, étnico, racial ou religioso, enquanto tal:

- Homicídio de membros do grupo;

- Ofensas graves à integridade física ou mental de membros do grupo;

- Sujeição intencional do grupo a condições de vida com vista a provocar a sua destruição física, total ou parcial;

- Imposição de medidas destinadas a impedir nascimentos no seio do grupo;

- Transferência, à força, de crianças do grupo para outro grupo.

Disponível em

http://www.icrc.org/web/por/sitepor0.nsf/html/5YBLR

 

O Tribunal Penal Internacional e sua integração ao Direito Brasileiro Prevenção e a Repressão do Crime de Genocídio.

No Brasil, o direito à vida é o primeiro destacado entre os direitos e garantias fundamentais - caput art 5. A discriminação, por sua vez, é repugnada desde o Preâmbulo da Constituição da República e referida na expressão do 5o artigo:

“Todos são iguais perante  lei, sem distinção de qualquer natureza, garantindo-se aos brasileiros e estrangeiros residentes no país a inviolabilidade do direito à vida “.

 

A Lei brasileira que define e pune o genocídio, Lei N°2.889, de 1° de outubro de1956, prevê:

Art. 1° Quem, com a intenção de destruir, no todo ou em parte, grupo nacional, étnico, racial ou religioso, como tal: 

 

a) matar membros do grupo;

b) causar lesão grave à integridade física ou mental de membros do grupo;

c) submeter intencionalmente o grupo a condições de existência capazes de ocasionar-lhe a destruição física total ou parcial;

d) adotar medidas destinadas a impedir os nascimentos no seio do grupo;

e) efetuar a transferência forçada de crianças do grupo para outro grupo.

Será punido:

com as penas do art. 121, § 2°, do Código Penal, no caso da letra a;

com as penas do art. 129, § 2°, no caso da letra b;

com as penas do art. 270, no caso da letra c;

com as penas do art. 125, no caso da letra d;

com as penas do art. 148, no caso da letra e.

* Vide art. 9° da Lei n.° 8.072, de 25 de julho de 1990.

Art. 2° Associarem-se mais de 3 (três) pessoas para prática dos crimes menciona dos no artigo anterior:

Pena-metade da cominada aos crimes ali previstos.

* Vide art. 9° da Lei n° 8.072, de 25 de julho de 1990.

Art. 3° Incitar, direta e publicamente, alguém a cometer qualquer dos crimes de que trata o art. 1°:

Pena-metade das penas ali cominadas.

Existe uma aceitação pelo público, as pessoas, de atos criminosos com normalidade, como se os mesmos não fossem uma brutal aberração à noção de humanidade e de vida humana.

Mas, cabe lembrar: pessoas humanas não são máquinas e não são coisas. Pessoas e os pedaços de seus corpos não devem ser objeto de comércio. Contudo, esta certeza é banalizada e ignorada.

Exemplo criminoso e de gravidade, é o genocídio.


E, nesta esfera, discriminações e preconceitos incitados se aliam à perda definitiva e irreversível da saúde e da vida.

Fazem do ser humano uma mercadoria para atacado e varejo. Não há pré-requisito de idade para vir a ser objeto do mercado: – Transplantes de células tronco de embriões humanos ou fetos; – transplantes de pedaços do doador com coração em atividade; – fetos utilizados na indústria cosmética, entre outras.

Tratam-se de fatos relacionados com a legalização do aborto e muito bem aproveitados nos setores voltados ao mercado dos produtos de beleza, entre outros, tais como cirurgias para aumentar o tamanho do pênis, usando pedaços de corpos humanos, de pessoas mortas (BARBER, N. 2001, p. 38). A indústria de cosméticos utiliza fetos abortados (BARBER, N. 2001, p. 37). E até acontece o uso das células dos fetos abortados em injeções para um suposto rejuvenescimento, isso visando os doentes de Parkinson e Alzheimer (BARBER, N. 2001, p. 104). Neste último caso da utilização das células de fetos, é desconsiderado que a cura do Mal de Parkinson já foi descobeta [1].

[1] COIMBRA, C. G., JUNQUEIRA, V. .B. .C. Brazilian Journal of Medical and Biological Research..   Braz J Med Biol Res, October 2003, Volume 36(10). 1409-1417. High doses of riboflavin and the elimination of dietary red meat promote the recovery of some motor functions in Parkinson’s disease patients. Diponível em: http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0100-879X2003001000019&lng=pt&nrm=iso

BARBER, Norm. The Nasty Side of Organ Transplanting. 1a. ed. m:  http://www.geocities.com/organdonate/ .Copyright 2001 Norm Barber, PO Box 64, Kensington Park, South Australia, Australia, 5068,
 

Esta bestialização humana, a carnificina comercializada, lembra as palavras de Norm Barber, quando denuncia a comercialização da medicina e a venda de pedaços humanos em The Nasty Side Of Organ Transplanting – The Cannibalistic Nature of Transplant Medicine. Kensington Park, South Australia, Australia, 5068. Disponivel em: http://www.geocities.com/organdonate/

Transplantes das pessoas com traumatismo crânio-encefálico que perderam reações involuntárias, tais como a da respiração e a da contração das pupilas, mas que prosseguem com o coração a contrair e pulsar o sangue pelo corpo e que estão vivas. Tanto estão vivas que são anestesiadas para facilitar a retirada de seus órgãos vitais.

What is ‘brain death’?

Dr.DAVID W. EVANS

disponível em:http://www.geocities.com/organdonate/finisvitae.html

Nasty Side of Organ Transplanting – Third Edition 2007
Dr.NORM BARBER

Chapter 2 – Donors May Need Anaesthetic

disponível em:

http://www.geocities.com/organdonate/donorsmayneedanaesthetic.html

"Falhas no Diagnostico da Morte Cerebral"

Dr.CÍCERO GALLI COIMBRA

Publicado na Revista CIENCIA HOJE, Número 161, junho de 2000.

disponível em: http://www.uol.com.br/cienciahoje/chmais/pass/ch161/morte.pdf
 

The Nasty Side of Organ Transplanting – Third Edition 2007

Dr. NORM BARBER

Chapter 12 – Body Parts and Business

Disponível em:

http://www.geocities.com/organdonate/bodypartsandbusiness.html

CPI do Tráfico de Órgãos Humanos. Acusação de homicídio feita em 23 de junho de 2004, durante audiência pública. Notícia da Câmara de Deputados. Disponível em: http://www.camara.gov.br/internet/agencia/materias.asp?pk=52656.

Réplica, que desmascara a fraude do CFM.

Dr. CELSO GALLI COIMBRA

Disponível em: http://www.biodireito-medicina.com.br/website/download/morte/replica_cfm_01030

Debate internacional da comunidade neurocientifica sobre os erros declaratórios da morte encefálica na Revista Cientifica BMJ. Disponível em

http://www.bmj.com/cgi/eletters/320/7244/1266

Quanto aos embriões humanos ou fetos, é indiscutível, uma certeza cientifica à qual não há oposições: a vida humana inicia a partir da concepção. Não existem dúvidas nas ciências. Da Biologia à Medicina, é sabido que a vida humana inicia com a fecundação do ovócito.

Em “Noções de Embriologia Humana”, 1998, Karine Kavalco, 1998, explica o desenvolvimento embrionário humano. Esclarece que o “(…) desenvolvimento humano começa na concepção ou fertilização”. A fertilização é uma

“(…) seqüência de eventos que começam com o contato de um espermatozóide e um ovócito (…), terminando com a fusão dos núcleos do espermatozóide e do óvulo e a conseqüente mistura dos cromossomos maternos e paternos (…)”.

Está bem estabelecido que na espécie
humana, e em quase todas as espécies animais mamíferos, cada novo indivíduo forma-se a partir da união de um espermatozóide com um óvulo. As células se unem, é a fecundação. União de células que estão vivas.

As fases do desenvolvimento humano estão também descritas em “Embriologia”, que inicia a exposição dizendo que a “(…) reprodução sexuada envolve a união do espermatozóide com o óvulo, (…) o que torna possível a mistura dos caracteres genéticos das populações de uma espécie (…).”

KOVALCO, Karine. Noções de Embriologia Humana, 1998. Disponível em: http://www.biociencia.org/morfologia/embriologia_humana.htm . Acesso em: 22 de janeiro de 2006.

Embriologia: fases do desenvolvimento humano. Disponível em: . http://www.consulteme.com.br/biologia/embrioe.htm

Acesso em: 22 de janeiro de 2006.

Bases biológicas do início da vida humana

Entrevista com doutora Anna Giuli, bióloga molecular

Disponível em

http://aborto.aaldeia.net/iniciodavida.htm

Ultrasound 4D de bebés en desarrollo.

Disponível em:

http://www.vidahumana.org/vidafam/desarrollo/ultrasound4D_index.html

DIREITO BRASILEIRO E CONVENÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS QUE INTEGRAM A PROTEÇÃO CONSTITUCIONAL AOS DIREITOS FUNDAMENTAIS DO SER HUMANO

A Carta de 1988 conferiu aos tratados internacionais de proteção dos direitos humanos ratificados pelo Brasil a condição de fonte constitucional de proteção de direitos e garantias fundamentais. As normas internacionais subscritas pelo Estado brasileiro ganharam eficácia de norma do ordenamento constitucional. Isso “significa que, em caso de conflito, deve o intérprete optar preferencialmente pela fonte que proporciona a norma mais favorável à pessoa protegida” [...].1

[1] MAZZUOLI, V. de O. Os tratados internacionais de direitos humanos como fonte do sistema constitucional de proteção de direitos. CEJ, Brasília, n. 18, p. 120-124, jul./set. 2002. Disponível em: http://www.cjf.gov.br/revista/numero18/artigo23.pdf. Acesso em: 9 de fevereiro de 2004. 

“Interdependência: as várias previsões constitucionais e infraconstitucionais não podem se chocar com os direitos fundamentais. Muito pelo contrário, devem se relacionar entre si de modo a atingirem suas finalidades.” 2

2 LIMA, Fernando Machado da Silva. O sistema constitucional brasileiro e sua efetividade. Disponível em: http://www1.jus.com.br/doutrina/texto.asp?id=3764. Acesso em: 10 de fevereiro de 2004.

Destacam-se as seguintes ponderações atinentes ao tema referido, elucidando o assunto no direito constitucional nacional, explanando que a aplicabilidade das normas internacionais resulta do teor dos mandamentos da

Constituição:

- A cláusula do § 2º, do art. 5º, da Carta da República determina que os direitos e garantias expressos na Constituição não excluem outros decorrentes do regime e dos princípios por ela adotados, ou dos tratados internacionais em que a República Federativa do Brasil seja parte.

- Admitida a legislação internacional com a adoção de convenções, cabe em seguida o mandamento do § 1º do art. 5º da Constituição Federal, o qual determina que as normas fundamentais têm aplicação imediata (§ 1º – As normas definidoras dos direitos e garantias fundamentais têm aplicação imediata).

-  Consoante os termos do inciso IV, do § 4o, do art. 60, as convenções adotadas constituem cláusulas pétreas, não podendo ser suprimidas sequer por emenda à Constituição.

A Constituição brasileira autoriza a incorporação das normas de criação externa e que amplia a segurança e proteção dos direitos humanos das pessoas, cidadãos e estrangeiros que estejam no território nacional, exatamente com a referida iniciativa.

Aponta-se que o propósito da coexistência de diferentes instrumentos jurídicos, constitucionais, garantidores dos mesmos direitos e das mesmas proteções, em vigor no ordenamento nacional, é a ampliação da segurança das pessoas – pois teem a seu a seu alcance ambas as leis (os

Direitos brasileiro e Internacional).

São exemplos de Pactos ratificados pelo Brasil:

- o Pacto Internacional dos Direitos Civis e Políticos, que o Brasil ratificou em 24 de janeiro de 1992 – esta convenção internacional prevê o genocídio no 6o artigo como o ato de arbitrariamente tirar a vida de uma pessoa;

- a Declaração Universal dos Direitos do Homem, assinada em Paris no dia 10 de dezembro de 1948 – Brasil assinou esta declaração na mesma data de sua adoção e proclamação. Esta última Convenção representa um marco da humanidade no estabelecimento de um modelo de padrão de vida válido universalmente para todos os homens, indiferentemente.

- a Convenção Americana sobre Direitos Humanos, Pacto de San José da Costa Rica, foi adotada e aberta à assinatura em 22 de novembro de 1969. O Pacto reconheceu “que os direitos essenciais do homem não derivam do fato de ser ele nacional de determinado Estado, mas sim do fato de ter como fundamento os atributos da pessoa humana [...]” preâmbulo. Ratificada pelo Brasil em 25 de setembro de 1992.

E O CODIGO CIVIL BRASILEIRO, Art. 2 do Código Civil de 2002 – Lei 010.406-2002, dispõe que – Art. 2 o A personalidade civil da pessoa começa do nascimento com vida; mas a lei põe a salvo, desde a concepção, os direitos do nascituro.

O nascituro é sujeito de direito. Tanto aquele que teve sua gênese in utero, quanto aquele gerado in vitro. O Código Civil considera que a personalidade do homem começa a partir da concepção, e desde tal momento, o nascituro é considerado pessoa.

O artigo 130 do Código Civil prevê que o titular de direito individual pode praticar atos para conservar a condição de seu direito, e pode praticar tais atos através de seus pais ou através de seu representante. Assim, pode reclamar alimentos consoante o Código de Processo Civil.

O Direito à Vida é direito fundamental no Brasil, direito individual e inviolável. Garantido na Constituição Federal no caput do 5º art. E mais, é direito resguardado em cláusula pétrea no art. 60, 4º parágrafo.

Emendas à Constituição, o único instrumento legislativo que pode alterar e modificar as disposições constitucionais, extinguir direitos e criar novos, estão submetidas às prescrições da Lei Maior. Toda atividade legislativa tem suas maiores restrições no 4o parágrafo do art. 60 da Lei Suprema, que prevê também os Direitos e Garantias Individuais.

Ou seja, os quatro itens do referido parágrafo delimitam a ação normativa, erguendo as cláusulas pétreas do Estado brasileiro, os dispositivos constitucionais que não admitem extinção e que determina no 4º parágrafo do art. 60 a impossibilidade de legislar em contrário.

Fazem parte do ordenamento constitucional brasileiro:

- O Pacto Internacional dos Direitos Civis e Políticos, que o Brasil ratificou em 24 de janeiro de 1992. Esta convenção internacional prevê o genocídio no 6o artigo como o ato de arbitrariamente tirar a vida de uma pessoa;

- a Declaração Universal dos Direitos do Homem, assinada em Paris no dia 10 de dezembro de 1948 – Brasil assinou esta declaração na mesma data de sua adoção e proclamação. Esta última Convenção representa um marco da humanidade no estabelecimento de um modelo de padrão de vida válido universalmente para todos os homens, indiferentemente.

- e A Convenção Americana sobre Direitos Humanos, Pacto de San José da Costa Rica, foi adotada e aberta à assinatura na Conferência Especializada Interamericana sobre Direitos Humanos, em San José de Costa Rica, em 22 de novembro de 1969. O Pacto foi ratificado pelo Brasil em 25 de setembro de 1992.

Pacto Internacional de Direitos Civis e Políticos de 1966: Artigo 6. O direito à vida é inerente à pessoa humana. Este direito deverá ser protegido pela lei. Ninguém poderá ser arbitrariamente privado da vida.

 

Convenção Americana Sobre Direitos Humanos. Pacto de San José

A Convenção Americana sobre Direitos Humanos, Pacto de San José da Costa Rica, foi adotada e aberta à assinatura na Conferência Especializada Interamericana sobre Direitos Humanos, em San José de Costa Rica, em 22 de novembro de 1969. O Pacto reconheceu “que os direitos essenciais do homem não derivam do fato de ser ele nacional de determinado Estado, mas sim do fato de ter como fundamento os atributos da pessoa humana [...]” preâmbulo. Ratificada pelo Brasil em 25 de setembro de 1992.

 

Artigo 4º – Direito à vida. 1. Toda pessoa tem direito de que se respeite sua vida. Esse direito deve ser protegido pela lei e, em geral, desde o momento da concepção. Ninguém pode ser privado da vida arbitrariamente.

Declaração Universal Dos Direitos Humanos

Artigo I. Todas as pessoas nascem livres e iguais em dignidade e direitos. São dotadas de razão  e consciência e devem agir em relação umas às outras com espírito de fraternidade.

Cabe dizer que a tentativa de eliminar Direitos Fundamentais, Direito Universal como é o Direito à vida, resguardado pela Constituição da República, representa um bom exemplo de tentativa infrutífera de dar fim ao vigor de certos artigos da Lei Suprema.

Qualquer pretensão legislativa que desconsidera a Constituição da República é Inconstitucional e, por conseguinte, estará frustrada. Direito à vida é constitucional, é fundamental, e é direito individual de cada pessoa, estando a pessoa no mundo exterior ao ventre materno, com gênese in vitro ou no ventre da mulher.

Vida é o maior bem jurídico que se pode ter.

Na Convenção Americana sobre Direitos Humanos, o Pacto de San José
http://www.dhnet.org.br/direitos/sip/oea/oeasjose.htm

Artigo 1º – Obrigação de respeitar os direitos

1. Os Estados Partes nesta Convenção comprometem-se a respeitar os direitos e liberdades nela reconhecidos e a garantir seu livre e pleno exercício a toda pessoa que esteja sujeita a sua jurisdição, sem discriminação alguma por motivo de raça, cor, sexo, idioma, religião, opiniões políticas ou de qualquer outra natureza, origem nacional ou social, posição econômica, nascimento ou qualquer outra condição social.

2. Para os efeitos desta Covenção, pessoa é todo ser humano.

Artigo 2º – Dever de adotar disposições de direito interno

Se o exercício dos direitos e liberdades mencionados no artigo 1º ainda não estiver garantido por disposições legislativas ou de outra natureza, os Estados Partes comprometem-se a adotar, de acordo com as suas normas constitucionais e com as disposições desta Convenção, as medidas legislativas ou de outra natureza que forem necessárias para tornar efetivos tais direitos e liberdades.

Artigo 25º – Proteção judicial

2. Os Estados Partes comprometem-se:

a) a assegurar que a autoridade competente prevista pelo sistema legal do Estado decida sobre os direitos de toda pessoa que interpuser tal recurso;

b) a desenvolver as possibilidades de recurso judicial; e

c) a assegurar o cumprimento, pelas autoridades competentes, de toda decisão em que se tenha considerado procedente o
recurso.

MEIOS DE PROTEÇÃO

Artigo 33º

São competentes para conhecer dos assuntos relacionados com o cumprimento dos compromissos assumidos pelos Estados Partes nesta Convenção:

a) a Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, doravante denominada a Comissão; e

b) a Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, doravante denominada a Corte.

COMISSÃO INTERAMERICANA DE DIREITOS HUMANOS

Artigo 34º

A Comissão Interamericana

Seção 3 – COMPETÊNCIA

Artigo 44º

Qualquer pessoa ou grupo de pessoas, ou entidade não-governamental legalmente reconhecida em um ou mais Estados membros da Organização, pode apresentar à Comissão petições que contenham denúncias ou queixas de violação desta Convenção por um Estado Parte

Artigo 48º

1. A Comissão, ao receber uma petição ou comunicação na qual se alegue violação de qualquer dos direitos consagrados nesta Convenção, procederá da seguinte maneira:

Artigo 63º

1. Quando decidir que houve violação de um direito ou liberdade protegidos nesta Convenção, a Corte determinará que se assegure ao prejudicado o gozo do seu direito ou liberdade violados. Determinará também, se isso for procedente, que sejam reparadas as consequências da medida ou situação que haja configurado a violação desses direitos, bem como o pagamento de indenização justa à parte lesada.

2. Em casos de extrema gravidade e urgência, e quando se fizer necessário evitar danos irreparáveis às pessoas, a Corte, nos assuntos de que estiver conhecendo, poderá tomar as medidas provisórias que considerar pertinentes. Se se tratar de assuntos que ainda não estiverem submetidos ao seu conhecimento, poderá atuar a pedido da Comissão.

Artigo 64º

1. Os Estados membros da Organização poderão consultar a Corte sobre a interpretação desta Convenção ou de outros tratados concernentes à proteção dos direitos humanos nos Estados americanos. Também poderão consultá-la, no que lhe compete, os órgãos enumerados no capítulo X da Carta da Organização dos Estados Americanos, reformada pelo Protocolo de Buenos Aires.

2. A Corte, a pedido de um Estado membro da Organização, poderá emitir pareceres sobre a compatibilidade entre qualquer de suas leis internas e os mencionados instrumentos internacionais.

Artigo 65º

A Corte submeterá à consideração da Assembléia Geral da Organização, em cada período ordinário de sessões, um relatório sobre suas atividades no ano anterior. De maneira especial, e com as recomendações pertinentes, indicará os casos em que um Estado não tenha dado cumprimento as suas sentenças.

Seção 3 – PROCESSO

Artigo 66º

1. A sentença da Corte deve ser fundamentada.

2. Se a sentença não expressar no todo ou em parte a opinião unânime dos juízes, qualquer deles terá direito a que se agregue à sentença o seu voto dissidente ou individual.

Artigo 67º

A sentença da Corte será definitiva e inapelável. Em caso de divergência sobre o sentido ou alcance da sentença, a Corte interpretá-la-á, a pedido de qualquer das partes, desde que o pedido seja apresentado dentro de noventa dias a partir da data da notificação da sentença.

[...]

São Jose 16 de maio de 2008.

CI. 1023725292 SSP/RS

Cristiane Rozicki
cr.rozicki@terra.com.br

Projeto genocida

Projeto genocida

Publicado em julho 2, 2009 por Cristiane Rozicki

É apresentado o artigo de Joseph Brewda sobre o projeto Kissinger de segurança dos EUA, 1974. O objetivo do “National Security Study Memorandum 200”, de 1974,  é o contrrole populacional em todo o planeta e a expansão do aborto nas leis de cada país do mundo inteiro.
 
A intenção no projeto Kissinger, na verdade, é o controle dos recursos naturais, poder, domínio, propriedade. Hoje existe alta produção de alimentos no mundo, grande expanção do conhecimento científico e possibiliidade do fluxo livre de informações.

No entanto, o controle que se dá, de fato, na realidade, é por domínio econômico e da propriedade de todos os bens materiais e intelectuais. A fome é mantida por arbítrio e tirania, num jogo de poder político. Este jogo político é genocida. Exclui e mata.

Aborto, eugenia e os “não capazes” desde a década de 70

O documento do plano Kissinger, da década de 70,  projetou o planejamento familiar, mencionando o controle do nascimento de crianças filhas dos ”incapazes” e dos menos saudáveis. Este projeto faz previsões e menciona muitos países pobres e em crescimento. Dentre os países citados está a Colômbia, o Brasil, a Nigéria, Índia, Paquistão, México, Indonésia, Filipinas, Tailândia, Egito e América Latina entre outras Nações.

Cristiane Rozicki
——

Kissinger’s 1974 Plan for Food Control Genocide

Disponível em

http://www.larouchepub.com/other/1995/2249_kissinger_food.html

by Joseph Brewda

Dec. 8, 1995
 
On Dec. 10, 1974, the U.S. National Security Council under Henry Kissinger completed a classified 200-page study, “National Security Study Memorandum 200: Implications of Worldwide Population Growth for U.S. Security and Overseas Interests.” The study falsely claimed that population growth in the so-called Lesser Developed Countries (LDCs) was a grave threat to U.S. national security. Adopted as official policy in November 1975 by President Gerald Ford, NSSM 200 outlined a covert plan to reduce population growth in those countries through birth control, and also, implicitly, war and famine. Brent Scowcroft, who had by then replaced Kissinger as national security adviser (the same post Scowcroft was to hold in the Bush administration), was put in charge of implementing the plan. CIA Director George Bush was ordered to assist Scowcroft, as were the secretaries of state, treasury, defense, and agriculture.

The bogus arguments that Kissinger advanced were not original. One of his major sources was the Royal Commission on Population, which King George VI had created in 1944 “to consider what measures should be taken in the national interest to influence the future trend of population.” The commission found that Britain was gravely threatened by population growth in its colonies, since “a populous country has decided advantages over a sparsely-populated one for industrial production.” The combined effects of increasing population and industrialization in its colonies, it warned, “might be decisive in its effects on the prestige and influence of the West,” especially effecting “military strength and security.”

NSSM 200 similarly concluded that the United States was threatened by population growth in the former colonial sector. It paid special attention to 13 “key countries” in which the United States had a “special political and strategic interest”: India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, Turkey, Nigeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, Mexico, Brazil, and Colombia. It claimed that population growth in those states was especially worrisome, since it would quickly increase their relative political, economic, and military strength.

For example, Nigeria: “Already the most populous country on the continent, with an estimated 55 million people in 1970, Nigeria’s population by the end of this century is projected to number 135 million. This suggests a growing political and strategic role for Nigeria, at least in Africa.” Or Brazil: “Brazil clearly dominated the continent demographically.” The study warned of a “growing power status for Brazil in Latin America and on the world scene over the next 25 years.”

Food as a weapon

There were several measures that Kissinger advocated to deal with this alleged threat, most prominently, birth control and related population-reduction programs. He also warned that “population growth rates are likely to increase appreciably before they begin to decline,” even if such measures were adopted.

A second measure was curtailing food supplies to targetted states, in part to force compliance with birth control policies: “There is also some established precedent for taking account of family planning performance in appraisal of assistance requirements by AID [U.S. Agency for International Development] and consultative groups. Since population growth is a major determinant of increases in food demand, allocation of scarce PL 480 resources should take account of what steps a country is taking in population control as well as food production. In these sensitive relations, however, it is important in style as well as substance to avoid the appearance of coercion.”
“Mandatory programs may be needed and we should be considering these possibilities now,” the document continued, adding, “Would food be considered an instrument of national power? … Is the U.S. prepared to accept food rationing to help people who can’t/won’t control their population growth?”

Kissinger also predicted a return of famines that could make exclusive reliance on birth control programs unnecessary. “Rapid population growth and lagging food production in developing countries, together with the sharp deterioration in the global food situation in 1972 and 1973, have raised serious concerns about the ability of the world to feed itself adequately over the next quarter of century and beyond,” he reported.

The cause of that coming food deficit was not natural, however, but was a result of western financial policy: “Capital investments for irrigation and infrastucture and the organization requirements for continuous improvements in agricultural yields may be beyond the financial and administrative capacity of many LDCs. For some of the areas under heaviest population pressure, there is little or no prospect for foreign exchange earnings to cover constantly increasingly imports of food.”

“It is questionable,” Kissinger gloated, “whether aid donor countries will be prepared to provide the sort of massive food aid called for by the import projections on a long-term continuing basis.” Consequently, “large-scale famine of a kind not experienced for several decades—a kind the world thought had been permanently banished,” was foreseeable—famine, which has indeed come to pass.
To read the entire NSSM 200 document, click here.

 
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
                      WASHINGTON, D.C. 20506

                                                      April 24, 1974

National Security Study Memorandum 200
--------------------------------------

TO:      The Secretary of Defense
         The Secretary of Agriculture
         The Director of Central Intelligence
         The Deputy Secretary of State
         Administrator, Agency for International Development

SUBJECT: Implications of Worldwide Population Growth for U.S.
         Security and Overseas Interests

The President has directed a study of the impact of world population
growth on U.S. security and overseas interests.  The study should look
forward at least until the year 2000, and use several alternative
reasonable projections of population growth.

In terms of each projection, the study should assess:

  - the corresponding pace of development, especially in poorer
    countries;

  - the demand for US exports, especially of food, and the trade
    problems the US may face arising from competition for re-
    sources;  and

  - the likelihood that population growth or imbalances will
    produce disruptive foreign policies and international
    instability.

The study should focus on the international political and economic
implications of population growth rather than its ecological, socio-
logical or other aspects.

The study would then offer possible courses of action for the United
States in dealing with population matters abroad, particularly in
developing countries, with special attention to these questions:

  - What, if any, new initiatives by the United States are needed
    to focus international attention on the population problem?

  - Can technological innovations or development reduce
    growth or ameliorate its effects?

  - Could the United States improve its assistance in the population
    field and if so, in what form and through which agencies --
    bilateral, multilateral, private?

The study should take into account the President's concern that
population policy is a human concern intimately related to the
dignity of the individual and the objective of the United States is to
work closely with others, rather than seek to impose our views on
others.

The President has directed that the study be accomplished by the
NSC Under Secretaries Committee.  The Chairman, Under Secretaries
Committee, is requested to forward the study together with the
Committee's action recommendations no later than May 29,
1974 for consideration by the President.

                                        HENRY A. KISSINGER

cc:  Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff

                             NSSM 200:

            IMPLICATIONS OF WORLDWIDE POPULATION GROWTH
              FOR U.S. SECURITY AND OVERSEAS INTERESTS

                         December 10, 1974

                 CLASSIFIED BY Harry C. Blaney, III
          SUBJECT TO GENERAL DECLASSIFICATION SCHEDULE OF
             EXECUTIVE ORDER 11652 AUTOMATICALLY DOWN-
           GRADED AT TWO YEAR INTERVALS AND DECLASSIFIED
                       ON DECEMBER 31, 1980.

This document can only be declassified by the White House.
----------------------------------------------------------

                 Declassified/Released on    7/3/89
                                          -----------
                   under provisions of E.O. 12356
             by F. Graboske, National Security Council

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
World Demographic Trends
1. World Population growth since World War II is quantitatively and qualitatively different from any previous epoch in human history. The rapid reduction in death rates, unmatched by corresponding birth rate reductions, has brought total growth rates close to 2 percent a year, compared with about 1 percent before World War II, under 0.5 percent in 1750-1900, and far lower rates before 1750. The effect is to double the world's population in 35 years instead of 100 years. Almost 80 million are now being added each year, compared with 10 million in 1900.
2. The second new feature of population trends is the sharp differentiation between rich and poor countries. Since 1950, population in the former group has been growing at 0 to 1.5 percent per year, and in the latter at 2.0 to 3.5 percent (doubling in 20 to 35 years). Some of the highest rates of increase are in areas already densely populated and with a weak resource base.
3. Because of the momentum of population dynamics, reductions in birth rates affect total numbers only slowly. High birth rates in the recent past have resulted in a high proportion in the youngest age groups, so that there will continue to be substantial population increases over many years even if a two-child family should become the norm in the future. Policies to reduce fertility will have their main effects on total numbers only after several decades. However, if future numbers are to be kept within reasonable bounds, it is urgent that measures to reduce fertility be started and made effective in the 1970's and 1980's. Moreover, programs started now to reduce birth rates will have short run advantages for developing countries in lowered demands on food, health and educational and other services and in enlarged capacity to contribute to productive investments, thus accelerating development.
4. U.N. estimates use the 3.6 billion population of 1970 as a base (there are nearly 4 billion now) and project from about 6 billion to 8 billion people for the year 2000 with the U.S. medium estimate at 6.4 billion. The U.S. medium projections show a world population of 12 billion by 2075 which implies a five-fold increase in south and southeast Asia and in Latin American and a seven-fold increase in Africa, compared with a doubling in east Asia and a 40% increase in the presently developed countries (see Table I). Most demographers, including the U.N. and the U.S. Population Council, regard the range of 10 to 13 billion as the most likely level for world population stability, even with intensive efforts at fertility control. (These figures assume, that sufficient food could be produced and distributed to avoid limitation through famines.)
Adequacy of World Food Supplies
5. Growing populations will have a serious impact on the need for food especially in the poorest, fastest growing LDCs. While under normal weather conditions and assuming food production growth in line with recent trends, total world agricultural production could expand faster than population, there will nevertheless be serious problems in food distribution and financing, making shortages, even at today's poor nutrition levels, probable in many of the larger more populous LDC regions. Even today 10 to 20 million people die each year due, directly or indirectly, to malnutrition. Even more serious is the consequence of major crop failures which are likely to occur from time to time.
6. The most serious consequence for the short and middle term is the possibility of massive famines in certain parts of the world, especially the poorest regions. World needs for food rise by 2-1/2 percent or more per year (making a modest allowance for improved diets and nutrition) at a time when readily available fertilizer and well-watered land is already largely being utilized. Therefore, additions to food production must come mainly from higher yields. Countries with large population growth cannot afford constantly growing imports, but for them to raise food output steadily by 2 to 4 percent over the next generation or two is a formidable challenge. Capital and foreign exchange requirements for intensive agriculture are heavy, and are aggravated by energy cost increases and fertilizer scarcities and price rises. The institutional, technical, and economic problems of transforming traditional agriculture are also very difficult to overcome.
7. In addition, in some overpopulated regions, rapid population growth presses on a fragile environment in ways that threaten longer-term food production: through cultivation of marginal lands, overgrazing, desertification, deforestation, and soil erosion, with consequent destruction of land and pollution of water, rapid siltation of reservoirs, and impairment of inland and coastal fisheries.
Minerals and Fuel
8. Rapid population growth is not in itself a major factor in pressure on depletable resources (fossil fuels and other minerals), since demand for them depends more on levels of industrial output than on numbers of people. On the other hand, the world is increasingly dependent on mineral supplies from developing countries, and if rapid population frustrates their prospects for economic development and social progress, the resulting instability may undermine the conditions for expanded output and sustained flows of such resources.
9. There will be serious problems for some of the poorest LDCs with rapid population growth. They will increasingly find it difficult to pay for needed raw materials and energy. Fertilizer, vital for their own agricultural production, will be difficult to obtain for the next few years. Imports for fuel and other materials will cause grave problems which could impinge on the U.S., both through the need to supply greater financial support and in LDC efforts to obtain better terms of trade through higher prices for exports.
Economic Development and Population Growth
10. Rapid population growth creates a severe drag on rates of economic development otherwise attainable, sometimes to the point of preventing any increase in per capita incomes. In addition to the overall impact on per capita incomes, rapid population growth seriously affects a vast range of other aspects of the quality of life important to social and economic progress in the LDCs.
11. Adverse economic factors which generally result from rapid population growth include:

• reduced family savings and domestic investment;
• increased need for large amounts of foreign exchange for food imports;
• intensification of severe unemployment and underemployment;
• the need for large expenditures for services such as dependency support, education, and health which would be used for more productive investment;
• the concentration of developmental resources on increasing food production to ensure survival for a larger population, rather than on improving living conditions for smaller total numbers.

12. While GNP increased per annum at an average rate of 5 percent in LDCs over the last decade, the population increase of 2.5 percent reduced the average annual per capita growth rate to only 2.5 percent. In many heavily populated areas this rate was 2 percent or less. In the LDCs hardest hit by the oil crisis, with an aggregate population of 800 million, GNP increases may be reduced to less than 1 percent per capita per year for the remainder of the 1970's. For the poorest half of the populations of these countries, with average incomes of less than $100, the prospect is for no growth or retrogression for this period.
13. If significant progress can be made in slowing population growth, the positive impact on growth of GNP and per capita income will be significant. Moreover, economic and social progress will probably contribute further to the decline in fertility rates.
14. High birth rates appear to stem primarily from:
a. inadequate information about and availability of means of fertility control;
b. inadequate motivation for reduced numbers of children combined with motivation for many children resulting from still high infant and child mortality and need for support in old age; and
c. the slowness of change in family preferences in response to changes in environment.
15. The universal objective of increasing the world's standard of living dictates that economic growth outpace population growth. In many high population growth areas of the world, the largest proportion of GNP is consumed, with only a small amount saved. Thus, a small proportion of GNP is available for investment -- the "engine" of economic growth. Most experts agree that, with fairly constant costs per acceptor, expenditures on effective family planning services are generally one of the most cost effective investments for an LDC country seeking to improve overall welfare and per capita economic growth. We cannot wait for overall modernization and development to produce lower fertility rates naturally since this will undoubtedly take many decades in most developing countries, during which time rapid population growth will tend to slow development and widen even more the gap between rich and poor.
16. The interrelationships between development and population growth are complex and not wholly understood. Certain aspects of economic development and modernization appear to be more directly related to lower birth rates than others. Thus certain development programs may bring a faster demographic transition to lower fertility rates than other aspects of development. The World Population Plan of Action adopted at the World Population Conference recommends that countries working to affect fertility levels should give priority to development programs and health and education strategies which have a decisive effect on fertility. International cooperation should give priority to assisting such national efforts. These programs include: (a) improved health care and nutrition to reduce child mortality, (b) education and improved social status for women; (c) increased female employment; (d) improved old-age security; and (e) assistance for the rural poor, who generally have the highest fertility, with actions to redistribute income and resources including providing privately owned farms. However, one cannot proceed simply from identification of relationships to specific large-scale operational programs. For example, we do not yet know of cost-effective ways to encourage increased female employment, particularly if we are concerned about not adding to male unemployment. We do not yet know what specific packages of programs will be most cost effective in many situations.
17. There is need for more information on cost effectiveness of different approaches on both the "supply" and the "demand" side of the picture. On the supply side, intense efforts are required to assure full availability by 1980 of birth control information and means to all fertile individuals, especially in rural areas. Improvement is also needed in methods of birth control most acceptable and useable by the rural poor. On the demand side, further experimentation and implementation action projects and programs are needed. In particular, more research is needed on the motivation of the poorest who often have the highest fertility rates. Assistance programs must be more precisely targeted to this group than in the past.
18. It may well be that desired family size will not decline to near replacement levels until the lot of the LDC rural poor improves to the extent that the benefits of reducing family size appear to them to outweigh the costs. For urban people, a rapidly growing element in the LDCs, the liabilities of having too many children are already becoming apparent. Aid recipients and donors must also emphasize development and improvements in the quality of life of the poor, if significant progress is to be made in controlling population growth. Although it was adopted primarily for other reasons, the new emphasis of AID's legislation on problems of the poor (which is echoed in comparable changes in policy emphasis by other donors and by an increasing number of LDC's) is directly relevant to the conditions required for fertility reduction.
Political Effects of Population Factors
19. The political consequences of current population factors in the LDCs -- rapid growth, internal migration, high percentages of young people, slow improvement in living standards, urban concentrations, and pressures for foreign migration -- are damaging to the internal stability and international relations of countries in whose advancement the U.S. is interested, thus creating political or even national security problems for the U.S. In a broader sense, there is a major risk of severe damage to world economic, political, and ecological systems and, as these systems begin to fail, to our humanitarian values.
20. The pace of internal migration from countryside to over-swollen cities is greatly intensified by rapid population growth. Enormous burdens are placed on LDC governments for public administration, sanitation, education, police, and other services, and urban slum dwellers (though apparently not recent migrants) may serve as a volatile, violent force which threatens political stability.
21. Adverse socio-economic conditions generated by these and related factors may contribute to high and increasing levels of child abandonment, juvenile delinquency, chronic and growing underemployment and unemployment, petty thievery, organized brigandry, food riots, separatist movements, communal massacres, revolutionary actions and counter-revolutionary coups. Such conditions also detract from the environment needed to attract the foreign capital vital to increasing levels of economic growth in these areas. If these conditions result in expropriation of foreign interests, such action, from an economic viewpoint, is not in the best interests of either the investing country or the host government.
22. In international relations, population factors are crucial in, and often determinants of, violent conflicts in developing areas. Conflicts that are regarded in primarily political terms often have demographic roots. Recognition of these relationships appears crucial to any understanding or prevention of such hostilities.
General Goals and Requirements for Dealing With Rapid Population Growth
23. The central question for world population policy in the year 1974, is whether mankind is to remain on a track toward an ultimate population of 12 to 15 billion -- implying a five to seven-fold increase in almost all the underdeveloped world outside of China -- or whether (despite the momentum of population growth) it can be switched over to the course of earliest feasible population stability -- implying ultimate totals of 8 to 9 billions and not more than a three or four-fold increase in any major region.
24. What are the stakes? We do not know whether technological developments will make it possible to feed over 8 much less 12 billion people in the 21st century. We cannot be entirely certain that climatic changes in the coming decade will not create great difficulties in feeding a growing population, especially people in the LDCs who live under increasingly marginal and more vulnerable conditions. There exists at least the possibility that present developments point toward Malthusian conditions for many regions of the world.
25. But even if survival for these much larger numbers is possible, it will in all likelihood be bare survival, with all efforts going in the good years to provide minimum nutrition and utter dependence in the bad years on emergency rescue efforts from the less populated and richer countries of the world. In the shorter run -- between now and the year 2000 -- the difference between the two courses can be some perceptible material gain in the crowded poor regions, and some improvement in the relative distribution of intra-country per capita income between rich and poor, as against permanent poverty and the widening of income gaps. A much more vigorous effort to slow population growth can also mean a very great difference between enormous tragedies of malnutrition and starvation as against only serious chronic conditions.
Policy Recommendations
26. There is no single approach which will "solve" the population problem. The complex social and economic factors involved call for a comprehensive strategy with both bilateral and multilateral elements. At the same time actions and programs must be tailored to specific countries and groups. Above all, LDCs themselves must play the most important role to achieve success.
27. Coordination among the bilateral donors and multilateral organizations is vital to any effort to moderate population growth. Each kind of effort will be needed for worldwide results.
28. World policy and programs in the population field should incorporate two major objectives:
(a) actions to accommodate continued population growth up to 6 billions by the mid-21st century without massive starvation or total frustration of developmental hopes; and
(b) actions to keep the ultimate level as close as possible to 8 billions rather than permitting it to reach 10 billions, 13 billions, or more.
29. While specific goals in this area are difficult to state, our aim should be for the world to achieve a replacement level of fertility, (a two-child family on the average), by about the year 2000. This will require the present 2 percent growth rate to decline to 1.7 percent within a decade and to 1.1 percent by 2000. Compared to the U.N medium projection, this goal would result in 500 million fewer people in 2000 and about 3 billion fewer in 2050. Attainment of this goal will require greatly intensified population programs. A basis for developing national population growth control targets to achieve this world target is contained in the World Population Plan of Action.
30. The World Population Plan of Action is not self-enforcing and will require vigorous efforts by interested countries, U.N. agencies and other international bodies to make it effective. U.S. leadership is essential. The strategy must include the following elements and actions:
(a) Concentration on key countries. Assistance for population moderation should give primary emphasis to the largest and fastest growing developing countries where there is special U.S. political and strategic interest. Those countries are: India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Nigeria, Mexico, Indonesia, Brazil, the Philippines, Thailand, Egypt, Turkey, Ethiopia and Colombia. Together, they account for 47 percent of the world's current population increase. (It should be recognized that at present AID bilateral assistance to some of these countries may not be acceptable.) Bilateral assistance, to the extent that funds are available, will be given to other countries, considering such factors as population growth, need for external assistance, long-term U.S. interests and willingness to engage in self-help. Multilateral programs must necessarily have a wider coverage and the bilateral programs of other national donors will be shaped to their particular interests. At the same time, the U.S. will look to the multilateral agencies -- especially the U.N. Fund for Population Activities which already has projects in over 80 countries -- to increase population assistance on a broader basis with increased U.S. contributions. This is desirable in terms of U.S. interests and necessary in political terms in the United Nations. But progress nevertheless, must be made in the key 13 and our limited resources should give major emphasis to them. (b) Integration of population factors and population programs into country development planning. As called for by the world Population Plan of Action, developing countries and those aiding them should specifically take population factors into account in national planning and include population programs in such plans. (c) Increased assistance for family planning services, information and technology. This is a vital aspect of any world population program. (1) Family planning information and materials based on present technology should be made fully available as rapidly as possible to the 85% of the populations in key LDCs not now reached, essentially rural poor who have the highest fertility. (2) Fundamental and developmental research should be expanded, aimed at simple, low-cost, effective, safe, long-lasting and acceptable methods of fertility control. Support by all federal agencies for biomedical research in this field should be increased by $60 million annually. (d) Creating conditions conducive to fertility decline. For its own merits and consistent with the recommendations of the World Population Plan of Action, priority should be given in the general aid program to selective development policies in sectors offering the greatest promise of increased motivation for smaller family size. In many cases pilot programs and experimental research will be needed as guidance for later efforts on a larger scale. The preferential sectors include:

• Providing minimal levels of education, especially for women;
• Reducing infant mortality, including through simple low-cost health care networks;
• Expanding wage employment, especially for women;
• Developing alternatives to children as a source of old age security;
• Increasing income of the poorest, especially in rural areas, including providing privately owned farms;
• Education of new generations on the desirability of smaller families.

While AID has information on the relative importance of the new major socio-economic factors that lead to lower birth rates, much more research and experimentation need to be done to determine what cost effective programs and policy will lead to lower birth rates.
(e) Food and agricultural assistance is vital for any population sensitive development strategy. The provision of adequate food stocks for a growing population in times of shortage is crucial. Without such a program for the LDCs there is considerable chance that such shortage will lead to conflict and adversely affect population goals and developmental efforts. Specific recommendations are included in Section IV(c) of this study. (f) Development of a worldwide political and popular commitment to population stabilization is fundamental to any effective strategy. This requires the support and commitment of key LDC leaders. This will only take place if they clearly see the negative impact of unrestricted population growth and believe it is possible to deal with this question through governmental action. The U.S. should encourage LDC leaders to take the lead in advancing family planning and population stabilization both within multilateral organizations and through bilateral contacts with other LDCs. This will require that the President and the Secretary of State treat the subject of population growth control as a matter of paramount importance and address it specifically in their regular contacts with leaders of other governments, particularly LDCs.
31. The World Population Plan of Action and the resolutions adopted by consensus by 137 nations at the August 1974 U.N. World Population Conference, though not ideal, provide an excellent framework for developing a worldwide system of population/family planning programs. We should use them to generate U.N. agency and national leadership for an all-out effort to lower growth rates. Constructive action by the U.S. will further our objectives. To this end we should:
(a) Strongly support the World Population Plan of Action and the adoption of its appropriate provisions in national and other programs. (b) Urge the adoption by national programs of specific population goals including replacement levels of fertility for DCs and LDCs by 2000. (c) After suitable preparation in the U.S., announce a U.S. goal to maintain our present national average fertility no higher than replacement level and attain near stability by 2000. (d) Initiate an international cooperative strategy of national research programs on human reproduction and fertility control covering biomedical and socio-economic factors, as proposed by the U.S. Delegation at Bucharest. (e) Act on our offer at Bucharest to collaborate with other interested donors and U.N. agencies to aid selected countries to develop low cost preventive health and family planning services. (f) Work directly with donor countries and through the U.N. Fund for Population Activities and the OECD/DAC to increase bilateral and multilateral assistance for population programs.
32. As measures to increase understanding of population factors by LDC leaders and to strengthen population planning in national development plans, we should carry out the recommendations in Part II, Section VI, including:
(a) Consideration of population factors and population policies in all Country Assistance Strategy Papers (CASP) and Development Assistance Program (DAP) multi-year strategy papers.
(b) Prepare projections of population growth individualized for countries with analyses of development of each country and discuss them with national leaders.
(c) Provide for greatly increased training programs for senior officials of LDCs in the elements of demographic economics.
(d) Arrange for familiarization programs at U.N. Headquarters in New York for ministers of governments, senior policy level officials and comparably influential leaders from private life.
(e) Assure assistance to LDC leaders in integrating population factors in national plans, particularly as they relate to health services, education, agricultural resources and development, employment, equitable distribution of income and social stability.
(f) Also assure assistance to LDC leaders in relating population policies and family planning programs to major sectors of development: health, nutrition, agriculture, education, social services, organized labor, women's activities, and community development.
(g) Undertake initiatives to implement the Percy Amendment regarding improvement in the status of women.
(h) Give emphasis in assistance to programs on development of rural areas.
Beyond these activities which are essentially directed at national interests, we must assure that a broader educational concept is developed to convey an acute understanding to national leaders of the interrelation of national interests and world population growth.
33. We must take care that our activities should not give the appearance to the LDCs of an industrialized country policy directed against the LDCs. Caution must be taken that in any approaches in this field we support in the LDCs are ones we can support within this country. "Third World" leaders should be in the forefront and obtain the credit for successful programs. In this context it is important to demonstrate to LDC leaders that such family planning programs have worked and can work within a reasonable period of time.
34. To help assure others of our intentions we should indicate our emphasis on the right of individuals and couples to determine freely and responsibly the number and spacing of their children and to have information, education and means to do so, and our continued interest in improving the overall general welfare. We should use the authority provided by the World Population Plan of Action to advance the principles that 1) responsibility in parenthood includes responsibility to the children and the community and 2) that nations in exercising their sovereignty to set population policies should take into account the welfare of their neighbors and the world. To strengthen the worldwide approach, family planning programs should be supported by multilateral organizations wherever they can provide the most efficient means.
35. To support such family planning and related development assistance efforts there is need to increase public and leadership information in this field. We recommend increased emphasis on mass media, newer communications technology and other population education and motivation programs by the UN and USIA. Higher priority should be given to these information programs in this field worldwide.
36. In order to provide the necessary resources and leadership, support by the U.S. public and Congress will be necessary. A significant amount of funds will be required for a number of years. High level personal contact by the Secretary of State and other officials on the subject at an early date with Congressional counterparts is needed. A program for this purpose should be developed by OES with H and AID.
37. There is an alternate view which holds that a growing number of experts believe that the population situation is already more serious and less amenable to solution through voluntary measures than is generally accepted. It holds that, to prevent even more widespread food shortage and other demographic catastrophes than are generally anticipated, even stronger measures are required and some fundamental, very difficult moral issues need to be addressed. These include, for example, our own consumption patterns, mandatory programs, tight control of our food resources. In view of the seriousness of these issues, explicit consideration of them should begin in the Executive Branch, the Congress and the U.N. soon. (See the end of Section I for this viewpoint.)
38. Implementing the actions discussed above (in paragraphs 1-36), will require a significant expansion in AID funds for population/family planning. A number of major actions in the area of creating conditions for fertility decline can be funded from resources available to the sectors in question (e.g., education, agriculture). Other actions, including family planning services, research and experimental activities on factors affecting fertility, come under population funds. We recommend increases in AID budget requests to the Congress on the order of $35-50 million annually through FY 1980 (above the $137.5 million requested for FY 1975). This funding would cover both bilateral programs and contributions to multilateral organizations. However, the level of funds needed in the future could change significantly, depending on such factors as major breakthroughs in fertility control technologies and LDC receptivities to population assistance. To help develop, monitor, and evaluate the expanded actions discussed above, AID is likely to need additional direct hire personnel in the population/family planning area. As a corollary to expanded AID funding levels for population, efforts must be made to encourage increased contributions by other donors and recipient countries to help reduce rapid population growth.
Policy Follow-up and Coordination
39. This world wide population strategy involves very complex and difficult questions. Its implementation will require very careful coordination and specific application in individual circumstances. Further work is greatly needed in examining the mix of our assistance strategy and its most efficient application. A number of agencies are interested and involved. Given this, there appears to be a need for a better and higher level mechanism to refine and develop policy in this field and to coordinate its implementation beyond this NSSM. The following options are suggested for consideration: (a) That the NSC Under Secretaries Committee be given responsibility for policy and executive review of this subject:
Pros:

• Because of the major foreign policy implications of the recommended population strategy a high level focus on policy is required for the success of such a major effort.
• With the very wide agency interests in this topic there is need for an accepted and normal interagency process for effective analysis and disinterested policy development and implementation within the N.S.C. system.
• Staffing support for implementation of the NSSM-200 follow-on exists within the USC framework including utilization of the Office of Population of the Department of State as well as other.
• USC has provided coordination and follow-up in major foreign policy areas involving a number of agencies as is the case in this study.

Cons:

• The USC would not be within the normal policy-making framework for development policy as would be in the case with the DCC.
• The USC is further removed from the process of budget development and review of the AID Population Assistance program.

(b) That when its establishment is authorized by the President, the Development Coordination Committee, headed by the AID Administrator be given overall responsibility:(note 1)
Pros: (Provided by AID)

• It is precisely for coordination of this type of development issue involving a variety of U.S. policies toward LDCs that the Congress directed the establishment of the DCC.
• The DCC is also the body best able to relate population issues to other development issues, with which they are intimately related.
• The DCC has the advantage of stressing technical and financial aspects of U.S. population policies, thereby minimizing political complications frequently inherent in population programs.
• It is, in AID's view, the coordinating body best located to take an overview of all the population activities now taking place under bilateral and multilateral auspices.

Cons:

• While the DCC will doubtless have substantial technical competence, the entire range of political and other factors bearing on our global population strategy might be more effectively considered by a group having a broader focus than the DCC.
• The DCC is not within the N.S.C. system which provides a more direct access to both the President and the principal foreign policy decision-making mechanism.
• The DCC might overly emphasize purely developmental aspects of population and under emphasize other important elements.

(c) That the NSC/CIEP be asked to lead an Interdepartmental Group for this subject to insure follow-up interagency coordination, and further policy development. (No participating Agency supports this option, therefore it is only included to present a full range of possibilities). Option (a) is supported by State, Treasury,
Defense (ISA and JCS), Agriculture, HEW,
Commerce NSC and CIA.(note 2)
Option (b) is supported by AID.
Under any of the above options, there should be an annual review of our population policy to examine progress, insure our programs are in keeping with the latest information in this field, identify possible deficiencies, and recommend additional action at the appropriate level.(note 3)
* NOTE: AID expects the DCC will have the following composition: The Administrator of AID as Chairman; the Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs; the Under Secretary of Treasury for Monetary Affairs; the Under Secretaries of Commerce, Agriculture and Labor; an Associate Director of OMB; the Executive Director of CIEP, STR; a representative of the NSC; the Presidents of the EX-IM Bank and OPIC; and any other agency when items of interest to them are under discussion.)
** Department of Commerce supports the option of placing the population policy formulation mechanism under the auspices of the USC but believes that any detailed economic questions resulting from proposed population policies be explored through existing domestic and international economic policy channels.
*** AID believes these reviews undertaken only periodically might look at selected areas or at the entire range of population policy depending on problems and needs which arise.
CHAPTER I - WORLD DEMOGRAPHIC TRENDS
Introduction
The present world population growth is unique. Rates of increase are much higher than in earlier centuries, they are more widespread, and have a greater effect on economic life, social justice, and -- quite likely -- on public order and political stability. The significance of population growth is enhanced because it comes at a time when the absolute size and rate of increase of the global economy, need for agricultural land, demand for and consumption of resources including water, production of wastes and pollution have also escalated to historically unique levels. Factors that only a short time ago were considered separately now have interlocking relationships, inter-dependence in a literal sense. The changes are not only quantitatively greater than in the past but qualitatively different. The growing burden is not only on resources but on administrative and social institutions as well.
Population growth is, of course, only one of the important factors in this new, highly integrated tangle of relationships. However, it differs from the others because it is a determinant of the demand sector while others relate to output and supply. (Population growth also contributes to supply through provision of manpower; in most developing countries, however, the problem is not a lack of but a surfeit of hands.) It is, therefore, most pervasive, affecting what needs to be done in regard to other factors. Whether other problems can be solved depends, in varying degrees, on the extent to which rapid population growth and other population variables can be brought under control. Highlights of Current Demographic Trends      Since 1950, world population has been undergoing unprecedented growth. This growth has four prominent features:
1. It is unique, far more rapid than ever in history.
2. It is much more rapid in less developed than in developed regions.
3. Concentration in towns and cities is increasing much more rapidly than overall population growth and is far more rapid in LDCs than in developed countries.      4. It has a tremendous built-in momentum that will inexorably double populations of most less developed countries by 2000 and will treble or quadruple their populations before leveling off -- unless far greater efforts at fertility control are made than are being made.
Therefore, if a country wants to influence its total numbers through population policy, it must act in the immediate future in order to make a substantial difference in the long run.
For most of man's history, world population grew very slowly. At the rate of growth estimated for the first 18 centuries A.D., it required more than 1,000 years for world population to double in size. With the beginnings of the industrial revolution and of modern medicine and sanitation over two hundred years ago, population growth rates began to accelerate. At the current growth rate (1.9 percent) world population will double in 37 years.

• By about 1830, world population reached 1 billion. The second billion was added in about 100 years by 1930. The third billion in 30 years by 1960. The fourth will be reached in 1975.
• Between 1750-1800 less than 4 million were being added, on the average, to the earth's population each year. Between 1850-1900, it was close to 8 million. By 1950 it had grown to 40 million. By 1975 it will be about 80 million.

In the developed countries of Europe, growth rates in the last century rarely exceeded 1.0-1.2 percent per year, almost never 1.5 percent. Death rates were much higher than in most LDCs today. In North America where growth rates were higher, immigration made a significant contribution. In nearly every country of Europe, growth rates are now below 1 percent, in many below 0.5 percent. The natural growth rate (births minus deaths) in the United States is less than 0.6 percent. Including immigration (the world's highest) it is less than 0.7 percent.
In less developed countries growth rates average about 2.4 percent. For the People's Republic of China, with a massive, enforced birth control program, the growth rate is estimated at under 2 percent. India's is variously estimated from 2.2 percent, Brazil at 2.8 percent, Mexico at 3.4 percent, and Latin America at about 2.9 percent. African countries, with high birth as well as high death rates, average 2.6 percent; this growth rate will increase as death rates go down.
The world's population is now about 3.9 billion; 1.1 billion in the developed countries (30 percent) and 2.8 billion in the less developed countries (70 percent).
In 1950, only 28 percent of the world's population or 692 million, lived in urban localities. Between 1950 and 1970, urban population expanded at a rate twice as rapid as the rate of growth of total population. In 1970, urban population increased to 36 percent of world total and numbered 1.3 billion. By 2000, according to the UN's medium variant projection, 3.2 billion (about half of the total) of world inhabitants will live in cities and towns.
In developed countries, the urban population varies from 45 to 85 percent; in LDCs, it varies from close to zero in some African states to nearly 100 percent in Hong Kong and Singapore.
In LDCs, urban population is projected to more than triple in the remainder of this century, from 622 million in 1970 to 2,087 in 2000. Its proportion in total LDC population will thus increase from 25 percent in 1970 to 41 percent in 2000. This implies that by the end of this century LDCs will reach half the level of urbanization projected for DCs (82 percent) (See Table I).
The enormous built-in momentum of population growth in the less developed countries (and to a degree in the developed countries) is, if possible, even more important and ominous than current population size and rates of growth. Unlike a conventional explosion, population growth provides a continuing chain reaction. This momentum springs from (1) high fertility levels of LDC populations and (2) the very high percentage of maturing young people in populations. The typical developed country, Sweden for example, may have 25% of the population under 15 years of age. The typical developing country has 41% to 45% or its population under 15. This means that a tremendous number of future parents, compared to existing parents, are already born. Even if they have fewer children per family than their parents, the increase in population will be very great
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